Still Good to Go For Now: Permissible Abortion-Related Activities Under Current U.S. Law and Policy
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Last week, Secretary Pompeo announced a new interpretation of language included in the standard provisions implementing the Global Gag Rule (GGR) that gives the already massively expanded policy under the Trump-Pence administration even more tentacles. Once this interpretation takes effect, the policy will usurp other donor priorities and force foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) around the world to agree to U.S. demands to deny comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services to women and girls or face the loss of their U.S. global health assistance.
As previously detailed by PAI, this interpretation is a marked departure from the position that the Trump-Pence administration took a little over a year ago as part of the six-month review. At that time, the administration put forward an informed and (surprisingly) common sense interpretation of the meaning of the “financial support” provision. PAI understands that Secretary Pompeo decided the Department of State would not amend the requirement regarding “financial support.” The State Department does intend to move forward with the other two changes to the standard provision that were identified in the six-month review.
Under this new interpretation of the “financial support” provision, a foreign NGO who agrees to comply with the policy as either a direct recipient of U.S. global health assistance or as a subrecipient of U.S. global health assistance is prohibited from providing any financial support to any other foreign NGO that conducts activities prohibited under the GGR.
As a reminder, the GGR does not apply to U.S. NGOs and they still can engage in abortion-related activities with their private funding. U.S. NGOs are only required to flow down the policy to their foreign NGO subgrantees. As such, the new interpretation of the “financial support” provision represents no change for U.S. NGOs.
This new interpretation will have enormous implications for a variety of donors, ranging from other non-U.S. bilateral donors, to private foundations, even to other U.S. government funding streams outside of global health. This interpretation will also place an enormous burden of compliance on GGR-compliant foreign NGOs who, moving forward, will be required to conduct due diligence on subrecipients of any financial support they provide—regardless of source of funding or activity to be funded.
To better understand the full ramifications of this shift, let’s pretend that we work for a GGR-compliant foreign NGO called Girls Health International (GHI). GHI works to advance girls’ rights to health and education. GHI receives funding from the U.S. government, private foundations and several bilateral donor governments.
Freedonia, a donor government, provides funding to GHI to support access to basic education and improve learning outcomes for girls in Oceania, a developing country. To achieve the objectives of the project, GHI plans to subgrant to foreign NGOs in Oceania who are experts in improving the quality of teaching and learning in schools.
GHI also receives funding from the Ruckus Foundation, a large private family foundation focused on reducing global inequality. The funding from the Ruckus Foundation will be used to ensure girls in school have access to sanitation services. To achieve the objectives of the project, GHI plans to subgrant to foreign NGO partners in Oceania who have expertise in ensuring access to clean and convenient sanitation services.
Clearly, this administration will take any and all actions to implement this policy to the broadest extent possible, even if that means running roughshod over other donors. The implementation of this interpretation also means that the Trump-Pence administration and their political appointee minions can no longer say the GGR does not directly apply to other donor funds. Bilateral and private foundation donors should take note and ask the administration how they can justify directly attaching the GGR to the funding priorities of sovereign countries and private foundations. While they are at it, they might also consider asking the administration to whom partners should send the bill to cover the time and money spent on due diligence versus implementing programs.
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